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Key premises of Bailiwick reporting and analysis
The US military is actively engaged in an organized criminal enterprise to injure and kill large numbers of military personnel and civilians without detection or legal impediment.
One of the most useful tools in the arsenal — because it strikes an effective balance between the killers’ two primary interests in speed and deniability — is the deployment of prohibited biochemical weapons labeled as FDA-authorized or FDA-approved ‘vaccines.’
The ‘vaccine’-based killing program is an extension of medical and psychological torture and homicide programs conducted to kill millions of people (disabled, mentally-ill, Jewish, Catholic, Protestant, Roma, politically-dissident and many more), especially during and since World War II, including but not limited to Aktion T-4 and the Soviet gulag system.
The most recent and most visible phase of the program launched in the US in early 2020, under the title Operation Warp Speed, and resulted in global deployment of psychological fraud and control programs including terrorizing propaganda; social isolation; mask mandates; diagnostic tests; manipulated data presentations (i.e. “dashboards”); prohibition on treatments for symptoms; and financial coercion of hospitals and nursing home death protocols (sedatives, ventilators and toxins).
These components were followed by distribution of three brands of biochemical weapons (Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna and Johnson & Johnson) with an unknown number of different batch formulations.
The biochemical weapons were and are developed and manufactured under redacted contracts, to DoD specifications, non-compliant with FDA pharmaceutical manufacturing regulations.
They are delivered — by way of the Strategic National Stockpile and DoD transport systems, non-compliant with FDA pharmaceutical distribution regulations — to retail pharmacies, nursing homes, hospitals, clinics, workplaces, schools, parking lots and medical offices, and from there into the hands of pharmacists, nurses and other ‘vaccinators,’ for injection into military targets at community-level ‘vaccination’ clinics.
To date, the contents have not been publicly disclosed.
Independent researchers have identified some but not all components of some vials diverted from the Strategic National Stockpile supply chain, including heavy metals, genetic code fragments, and many other contaminants not listed on applications submitted to regulators by manufacturers, who are working under redacted contracts for the US Department of Defense.
USA v. Dr. Kirk Moore
In January 2023, the US Department of Justice charged Dr. Kirk Moore and three other individuals by indictment, alleging criminal violations of 18 USC 371 (conspiracy to defraud the United States); 18 USC 641 (conspiracy to convert, sell, convey and dispose of government property); and 18 USC 2 (aiding and abetting.)
The US government alleged that Dr. Moore and his colleagues:
Moore’s case is unusual because the US government is prosecuting alleged criminal acts, allegedly committed by civilians, relating to the products known as Covid-19 vaccines.
Most other Covid-19 vaccine cases are civil cases (not criminal prosecutions) and the parties are individual civilians and military personnel as plaintiffs, suing Department of Defense manufacturing contractors (including Pfizer and Moderna) and the US government as defendants — for violations of plaintiffs’ civil and constitutional rights.
Whether the US government is the prosecutor or the defendant in any given case, DOJ attorneys work to delay or prevent discovery: the phase of trial preparation in which parties exchange evidence on which each party intends to rely for making their claims and defenses.
But in criminal prosecution cases, government prosecutors sooner or later must disclose evidence, or else drop the charges.
The more the prosecutors want to make a timely public example of a defendant to discourage others inclined to engage in similar conduct that the government doesn’t like, the sooner the prosecutors must disclose the evidence they claim will incriminate the defendant and bring the case to trial.
In criminal prosecutions brought by an infiltrated government comprised of un-indicted war criminals, who are themselves engaged in criminal conduct (suppressed by government/media censorship and obscured by government/media propaganda) — which is the situation in the United States since January 2020 and the start of the global and nationwide ‘public health emergency’ — the DOJ calculus shifts again.
The evidentiary exchange goes both ways, at least for so long as the Attorney General wants to uphold any semblance of a credible criminal justice system, rather than simply convict, sentence and imprison citizens on accusations alone, without evidence and without trial.
For as long as American prosecutors and courts want to keep up the appearance that due process and rule of law remain functional, criminal defendants have the right to request and receive records and other evidence to prepare their defenses.
So prosecutors have to weigh the benefits of disclosing the evidence they believe is incriminating for the defendants, against the risks of being forced to disclose evidence that tends to incriminate themselves, through their conduct (acts and omissions) as treasonous government officials and corrupt prosecutors.
This is particularly tricky for DOJ in cases concerning the alleged “Covid-19 vaccines,” because the development, manufacturing, testing, labeling, serialization, distribution, chain-of-custody and use of the products — under Emergency Use Authorization procedures — have been subject to secrecy.
Cloaked by the secrecy, identifiable men and women impersonating US government officials have committed discernible, lethal fraud, to carry out mass murder behind ‘public health emergency’ camouflage.
Related Bailiwick reporting and analysis:
By program design, the infiltrators posing as US government officials cannot prove that the contents of any vial or batch include or exclude any specific ingredients, nor can they prove the potency or inertness of any ingredients that may or may not have been in each allegedly mishandled vial.
Even more importantly, the infiltrators posing as US government officials do not want the complete lack of label conformity, verification procedures, purity or standardization to become widespread public knowledge.
Using Kirk Moore’s case as an example, a useful defense strategy would be for Moore to ask the DOJ to prove two things:
DOJ can’t provide that proof, because it doesn’t exist.
The proof doesn’t exist, because the products allegedly delivered to Moore’s office, which he and his staff allegedly improperly disposed of, were and are prohibited biological and chemical weapons, manufactured and adulterated with a wide variety of known and unknown ingredients. These biochemical weapons are exempt from, and therefore non-compliant with, all pharmaceutical regulation.
As such, DoD, CDC and FDA took great care to not produce any pharmaceutical chain-of-custody paper trail between suppliers, manufacturers, distributors, ‘vaccinators’ and targets.
If they can produce any chain of custody records at all, those records will demonstrate that the products are military-grade biological and chemical weapons passed through the Strategic National Stockpile — not handled by regulated pharmaceutical distributors — under direct military control from the point at which raw materials entered production facilities to delivery of finished vials to retail pharmacies, medical offices, drive-through vaccination centers and other “points of dispensing.”
Moore’s defense boils down to:
Cases like Moore’s, in which defendants flip the apparent but illusory strength of the DOJ position back on the government, by demanding production of evidence that simply doesn’t exist, help expose the foundational fraud.
These cases are useful for building public understanding and public momentum to get at the real crimes and the real criminals.
In support of civil and criminal litigation — including defenses to prosecutions like the one filed against Dr. Moore and his co-defendants — Sasha Latypova and I prepared a set of proposed discovery questions.
These discovery materials can be adapted for use by injured plaintiffs pursuing civil cases and by defendants facing US Government prosecution for their acts of resistance to criminals occupying high-level US Government positions.
These materials can also be used to deepen public understanding and resistance to the globalists’ control-and-kill programs.